The situation could become explosive if the efforts of the black patriots become true in order to take the weapons and if the movement was concretely supported by the neighboring African nations. But, now, all the problems are aired in innocuous organizations as UN, the Commonwealth or OUA.

Africa's peaceful and social evolution does not let, however, to anticipate a revolutionary situation at continental level. The liberation struggles against the Portugueses will end with the victory, but Portugal does not has any weight as imperialistic power. The disagreements of revolutionary importance are those that put on sack the imperialistic appliance, yet if that does not mean that it must cease the fight for the liberation of the three Portuguese colonies and for the radicalization of their revolutions.

It will begin a new era in Africa only when the South Africa or Rhodesia black mass undertake their authentic revolutionary struggle, or when the purified bulks of a country are increased to recapture, from the oligarchy hands the government, their right to a noble life .

Until now there have been military coup's d'ètat with those which a group of officers substitutes another group or a ruler who does not serve more than the caste interest or those of the powers that stealthily manipulate it. There are no, however, popular assaults.

In the Congo, these trends have had a fugacious impulse by the memories of Lumumba, but they have been weakened in the recent months.

In Asia, as we had seen, the situation is explosive. And the friction points are not constituted only by Vietnam and Laos, where the struggle is current. There is also Cambodia, where in any moment can begin the United States direct aggression; there are Thailand, Malaysia and, probably, Indonesia, where we can not think it have been said the last word, nevertheless the destruction of the communist party when the reactionary have lost the power; it is, probably, the Middle East .

In Latin America the struggle is, weapon in hand, in Guatemala, Colombia, Venezuela and Bolivia, while the first battles are warned in Brazil. There are other resistance fires that born and are extinguished. But in nearly all the countries of this continent there are matured conditions for a struggle, that, in case of being victorious, it can not anticipate at least the setting-up of a socialistic-wing government .

It's spoken in this continent practically a sole language, except in Brazil, with the one which the Spanish language peoples can, however, be understood; given the analogy between the two languages. There is a so deep identity between these countries classes, that it is achieved an identification of "international American" type much more complete than in other continents. Language, customs, religion, a same standard that joins these peoples. The degree and forms of exploitation are similar in their effects for exploitative and exploited in a large part of our America countries. And the revolt is matureing with hurry.

We can ask us: this revolt, which fruits will it give? of what type will they be? We support since time ago that, by their similar characteristics, the struggle in America will acquire - to the current moment - continental dimensions. Latin America will be theatre of many large battles led by the humanity for its liberation.

In the exploratory of this continental level struggle, nowadays battles are just episodes: and they have already given martyrs who have entered to the American history for pouring their necessary blood contribution in this last phase of the struggle for man's full freedom. Between them there is Commander Turcios Lima, the father Camilo Torres, Commander Fabricio Ojeda, Commander Lobatón and Luis de la Puente Uceda, first level figures in the revolutionary movements of Guatemala, Colombia, Venezuela and Peru.

But people's active mobilization creates the new directive. César Mountains and Yon Soda maintain high the Guatemala flag; Fabio Vásquez and Marulanda of Colombia; Douglas Bravo in the West and Americo Martin direct their respective fronts in Venezuela.

New fronts will be opened in these and in other American countries, as it has already happened in Bolivia; they will grow, with all the difficulties this dangerous task of the modern revolutionary lead. Many will die victims of their mistakes, other will fall in the hard battle that approaches. New directive and new combatant will emerge in the fire of the revolutionary struggle. The same war will select their combatants and their directive, while the yankee repression agents will increase. Today there are military counselors in all the countries where there is an armed struggle. The Peruvian army, it seems, has led a victorious fight against the revolutionaries of this country, though it's advised and trained by the yankees. But if the guerilla fires are formed with enough political and military ability, they will become practically unbeatable and will compel yankees to send other men. In the same Peru, unknown figures are reorganizing with tenacity and firmness the guerilla warfare.

Little by little, the obsolete weapons, enough to repress small armed bands, will become modern weapons; the military counselors groups will become United States combatants: until, at a certain point, they will be obligated to send quantitative regular troop in order to assure the relative stability of governments whose puppet armies will be disintegrated in front of the guerrilla groups assaults. This is Vietnam's road. This is the road that peoples should follow. This is the road America will follow, where the armed groups will be able to characterize forming coordination commitees to make more difficult imperialist yankee repression task and easier the victory of their own cause.

America, this continent forgotten by the last liberation struggles, that begins to raise its vanguard peoples voice in the Tricontinental, the Cuban Revolution, will have a very important task: to create the second or third Vietnam. Definitely, it's necessary realize that imperialism is a worldwide system, supreme phase of capitalism, and that it's necessary to defeat it in a breat world fight. The startegic goal of this fight must be the destruction of imperialism. It's our deal, world exploited and "outsiders", to eliminate imperialism bases support; we're concerned, the underdevelopment countries, from which they steal money, raw materials, technicians, and workers at a low cost - and where they export new money, domination instruments, weapons, etcetera - reducing us to an absolute dependency. The fundamental element of this strategy will be, then, the real peoples liberation that will happen, in nearly all the cases, through the armed fight and in America, almost unavoidably, will become a socialistic revolution. If we want to destroy imperialism it's necessary to identify the head: the United States of America.

The tactical purpose of our struggle, at general level, is to compel the enemy to leave his ambient and to fight in places where his life habits face the prevailing reality. We should not undervalue the adversary. The United States soldier is technically capable and supported by means of such extent that make him terrible. They lack the ideological stimulus that, on the contrary, their nowadays deeper adversaries possess in supreme degree: the Vietnameses. We will be able to defeat this army only in the measure in which we know to sap their moral: this will happen if we know to inflict them routs without respite.

But this small plan for the victory presupposes huge sacrifices by the peoples; sacrifices that it is necessary to demand already today, in daylight, and that perhaps will be less painful than those that we will have to support refuting constantly the struggle in the hope that other put us in problems.

The last country to be liberatedd, will make it probably without armed struggle and will avoid the sufferings of a long and cruel war as imperialism wars are. There is, still, the possibility of an worldwide encounter, and then it will be impossible to avoid this struggle and its consequences: everybody will suffer much more .

We can not predict the future, but we should not ever fall in the infamous temptation of making us emissaries of a people that wishes its freedom, disowning the struggle that for freedom and waiting for others victory. It is very just to avoid any useless sacrifice: because of this it is very important to speed the real possibilities that the oppressed America has to be liberated in a peaceful way.

For us, the response is clear. If this is or not the indicated moment to begin the struggle, we can not build up one's hopes- neither we have the right - to obtain freedom without combatting. And struggles will not be simple square demonstrations against the tear gases, neither peaceful general strikes; and either the struggle of an enraged people that destroys in two or three days the government oligarchy repressive appliance. It will be a long and cruel struggle, whose front will be in the guerrilla refuges, in the cities, in the soldiers houses, (where repression will seek easy victims between the relatives), in the slaughtered peasant population, in the peoples and in the cities destroyed by the enemy bombardment. We're compeled to this struggle: there is no other alternative than prepare it and decide to perform it. The beginnings will not be easy: they will be very hard.

All the repression capacity, all the oligarchies brutality and demagoguery will be put to the service of the enemy. Our task, at the beginning, will be to survive. later it will operate the perennial example of the guerrilla with the armed propaganda in the Vietnamese meaning of the term: it worths to say it, the assaults propaganda, the combats, that we can win or loss: but we perform them. The great teaching of Guerrilla invincibility will seize the disinherited mass- The national spirit galvanization, the preparation to harder tasks, to oppose more violent repressions. The hatred as struggle factor - the uncompromising hatred against the enemy - that instigates furthermore the natural limits of human being and transforms him into a real, violent, selective and cold kill machine. Our soldiers should be thus, a people without hatred can not defeat a brutal enemy.

It is necessary to lead war to the enemy places: to his house, where he amuses. Make it total. It is necessary to prevent them to have a respite instant, a nap minute, outside and inside their neighbourhoods: attack him wherever he is. To make him feel as an injured beast wherever it goes. Then his moral will fall. It will be more brutal, right, but the first signs of the unavoidable decadence will be noted .

It is necessary to form a real proletarian internationalism, with armies. With international proletarian armies, for those which the flag under we struggle will be the sacred cause of humanity redemption, so that to die under the Vietnam, Venezuela, Guatemala, Laos, Guinea, Colombia, Bolivia, Brazil badges- to name some of the countries where combat is present- constitutes a glory and an aspiration for an American, an Asian, an African and also for an European. Each blood drop apportioned in a fatherland that it is not own's is an experience that who survives it can later apply in the struggle for the liberation of his land. Each people that is liberated is a part of an expired battle for the own's people liberation. It is time to attenuate our divergences and to be into the struggle service.

We all know - and we can not hide it - that large controversies agitate the world in the fight for the freedom. Controversies that have assumed a character and such a violence that render very difficult, if not impossible, dialogue and conciliation. It is useless to seek the manner of beginning a dialogue that contenders reject. But the enemy is over there, it hits every day and threat with new blows. These blows will join us today, tomorrow and afterwards. Who understands it and is prepared to this necessary union, will have the peoples recognition.

With the violence and the intransigence with which each part defends the own cause, we, the disinherited, we can not side by one or another additionally form to express the divergences, yet if - sometimes - we can share some positions of one or another part, or in a greater extent, the positions of one part than those of the other. In the moment of the struggle, the world in which the current contrasts are expressed, it is a weakness. Still, in the situations in which we are, to want to compose them with words, it is an illusion. History will erase them or will give them the real explanation. In our world in struggle, all the divergences on tactics, on the action methods for the military objectives attainment, should be analyzed with the due respect to others opinion. But on the great strategic objective, the total destruction of imperialism with the struggle, we should be uncompromising. These our aspirations: destruction of imperialism with the elimination of its main bastion, United States of America imperialistic dominance, assuming as tactics the gradual liberation of the peoples, one by one or in groups, compelling the enemy to a hard struggle outside of his land liquidating his support bases, and thus the territories that holds.

It is a long war and we repeat it once again, a cruel war. Nobody should have illusions at the moment of beginning it, and nobody should hesitate titubee upon beginning it by fear of the consequences that it would lead to his people. It is almost the only one victory hope. We can not avoid the call of this hour. Vietnam teachs us that with its continuous heroism lesson, with its tragic and daily struggle lesson of struggle and death for the final victory. There, the imperialism soldiers feel the discomfort of who - accustomed to a living standard of the United States nation - must be found with an adverse land, the insecurity of who can not move without feeling that treads enemy soil, the death for who leaves the strengths, the hostility of a whole people. This impinges on the internal situation of the United States and provokes to emerge a factor that imperialism, in its full vigor, can not attenuate: the class struggle in the interior.

Why can we not watch a nearby and luminous future, if two, three, or many Vietnam will blossom on Earth's surface, with their price of death, with their immense tragedies, with their daily heroism, with their reiterated hits to imperialism, obligated thus to waste their forces under the theft of the growing-up hatred of the peoples of the world? If everybody would be capable of joining us to make our blows stronger and sure, because the helps of each gender to the peoples in struggle would be more effective, how large would be the future and how nearby! If we - that in a small point of the world we fulfilled the duty we proclaim, come to struggle's service the little we can give: our blood, our sacrifice will dye in a any land, but ours, because bathed with our blood, is known that we have measured the frontispiece of our actions and that we only consider ourselves units of the great proletariat army. And we feel proud to have learnt from the Cuban revolution and of its land the great lesson that originates from its position in this part of the world: "who cares about a man or a people pitfalls, when it is at stake the destination of humankind".

Our action is a whole war cry against imperialism and a call for peoples unity against the humankind great enemy: the United States of America.

And wherever death catches us unawares, welcome, because our war yell arrive to those who will be ready to take it and in other hand shops to clutch our weapons and other men prepare to intone mourning songs with the submachine guns drum and new yells of war and victory.

Most recent revision: April 6, 2002.